Espejo

Last update - 19:06 30/05/2009

Can you tell the difference between an Israeli and a Palestinian?

By Dalia Karpel, Haaretz Correspondent

Adam Shurati, left, and Hadas Maor in the picture chosen for Suter's project

The advertisement published in Haaretz in March read "Wanted: people who look alike," and promised NIS 8,000 to anyone that could locate someone who looked like one of the eight people featured in the advertisement.

What the advertisement didn't say, was that the eight people pictured were Palestinians.

The ad was made by Swiss artist Olivier Suter, as part of his project 'Enemies', which focused on the absurd ways people identify "the other".

The advertisement is similar to a project Suter performed in Belgium, which asked viewers if they could dfferentiate between Flemish and French speakers.

Out of the dozens of photos he received, Suter picked a photo of an Israeli girl and a Palestinian boy who looked alike. The girl is one Hadas Maor, whose photo was sent in by her father, geography professor Yehuda Keidar.

Keidar, a long-time supporter of a two-state solution said "[David] Ben-Gurion was right when he said 'The Palestinians are not our cousins, they're our brothers. Turns out, they could be twins."

The Palestinian boy is named Adam Shurati and he was none too pleased about his likeness to a girl, according to his mother Nancy. Adam was further dismayed when his mother took him to have his hair cut to look like Hadas'.

Nancy, who lives in Bet Hanina, called the project "amazing" and said that her son's resemblance to an Israel girl surprised her.

"The project is a work of art meant for all of us, not just for the sake of art," Suter said.

Suter's next "Enemies" project will take place in Rwanda and the Congo

© Copyright 2009 Haaretz. All rights reserved

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1089016.html

Please, with might - Gideon Levy

_{Last update - 03:07 17/05/2009}

Please, with might

_{By Gideon Levy}

The headline of this piece may be taken from a Kabbalistic prayer, but it's not aimed at God; this is rather an earthly plea to the American president. The statesman he will be hosting tomorrow has already shown during his brief tenure that might is the only language he understands. We should hope that Barack Obama will succeed just like the defense minister and the Histadrut labor federation chairman, who twisted Benjamin Netanyahu's arm in the budget deliberations.

A political U-turn by the prime minister is much more vital to Israel than his impressively sharp economic U-turn. Obama is the final hope: Only if he throws his entire weight into the process will anything in the Middle East start moving. Any American president could have long ago brought about substantial progress, first and foremost ending the intolerable Israeli occupation. But Obama's predecessors shrank from the task, preferring to yield to the Jewish and Christian lobbies and to engage in masquerades of negotiations leading nowhere.

A whole lot more is expected from Obama: "Change" in the Middle East; "Yes We Can" is also about Israel. This change must encompass two components: Genuinely pressuring Israel - and no, there isn't any other way - and demanding actions rather than words. We've had plenty of the latter, and it doesn't really matter if Netanyahu utters the words "two states" or if he does not.

The real test is Moshe and Mohammed. Only if both of them feel a change can we say a truly different president is now in Washington. Mohammed, any Mohammed living in the occupied territories, should feel his life has become more free and prosperous; Moshe, any Moshe living in Israel, must feel he is withdrawing from being an occupier, after two successive generations. At the end of the day, both Moshe and Mohammed will be grateful to Barack Obama.

It'll take more than sticky smiles. Netanyahu will be clinging to his usual excuse, the Iranian threat; Obama will have to explain that there is nothing like neutralizing the Arab-Israeli conflict to secure the future of the State of Israel. And this should be the order of the day, too: resolving the Palestinian issue as leverage for negotiating with Iran, even if Netanyahu tries to change the agenda and buy some time. Deep inside, we yearn for an Israeli prime minister who realizes that opportunities are running out and that the alternatives are dangerous, but this hope has long since been abandoned. Israel talks two states while expanding Ma'aleh Adumim; Israel talks peace and sets out on two unneccesary wars.

Which is why, sadly, nothing will happen without pressure, and true pressure can come only from Washington. An American president who is a friend to Israel not only can, but must, apply this pressure; Israel is a protectorate addicted to occupation - and the only way to ditch a habit is the hard way. A bogus friend sponsors the addiction, a true friend gets us into rehab.

Nor is this the time to present the Palestinians with endless demands or preconditions - to acknowledge, to give up, to compromise. They've done it plenty over the last two decades: Now is the time for the occupier to end the occupation, immediately, unconditionally, moments before the two-state solution draws its final breath and passes beyond the realm of possibility, if it hasn't already. Which is why Obama should be standing with a stopwatch, too: Time is running out.

There's one message that should emerge from Washington: Israel is beginning to act, not to talk but to act, to end the occupation. Freeze the settlements without any lies, dismantle the outposts without tricks, give Palestinians freedoms without feints, and establish a rigid agenda to dismantle the entire settler enterprise. Anything less will be seen as failure, any move less daring will ensure a deadlock that will bring more bloodshed and the eventual establishment of a permanent binational apartheid state.

Does it sound big and pretentious? Well, there's a big, pretentious president now sitting in Washington. The Arabs have already learned that Israel understands force and force alone; all its limited concessions were carried out after bloodshed, never before. It's time Washington learns the same lesson: Please, with might, Barack Obama, because there is no other way.

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1086063.html

Sadly, Israel is no longer democratic - Shulamit Aloni

Shulamit Aloni / Sadly, Israel is no longer democratic

By Shulamit Aloni

Ha’aretz May 1, 2009

Maj. Gen. Amos Yadlin and philosopher Asa Kasher, two respected men around here, published an article entitled: "A just war of a democratic state," (Haaretz, April 24, Hebrew).

A remark about the first part: There are wars that are necessary for self-defense or to fight injustice and evil. But the expression "just" is problematic when speaking of war itself - which involves killing and destruction and leaves women, children and old people homeless, and sometimes even kills them.

Our sages have said: "Don't be overly righteous." And there is absolutely no question that dropping cluster bombs in an area populated by civilians, as we did in the Second Lebanon War, does not testify to great righteousness. The same thing can be said of using phosphorus bombs against a civilian population.

Apparently, according to the Yadlin and Kasher definition of justice, in order to eliminate terrorists it is just to destroy, kill, expel and starve a civilian population that has no connection to the acts of terror and no responsibility for them. Perhaps had they adopted a more decent and less arrogant approach they would have tried to explain the reasons for the fury and intensity that brought about the shocking killing and destruction, and even apologized for the fact that these exceeded any reasonable necessity.

But after all, we are always right; moreover, these things were done by "the most moral army in the world," sent by the "democratic" Jewish state - and here is the meeting point of the two concepts in the title of Yadlin and Kasher's article.

As for the army's morality, it would have been better had they remained silent and thereby been considered wise. This is because the statistics on the destruction and harm to civilians in the Gaza Strip are familiar to everyone, and not divorced from the oh-so-moral behavior of our army in the occupied territories. In the context of this behavior, for example, the army operates with great efficiency against farmers who demonstrate against the theft of their lands, even when the demonstrations are not violent.

The long-term evidence of abuse by soldiers against civilians at the checkpoints - including repeated instances of expectant mothers who are forced to give birth in the middle of the road, surrounded by armed soldiers who laugh wickedly - is no secret either. Day after day, year after year, the most moral army in the world helps to steal lands, uproot trees, steal water, close roads - in the service of the righteous "Jewish and democratic" state and with its support. It's heartbreaking, but the State of Israel is no longer democratic. We are living in an ethnocracy under "Jewish and democratic" rule.

In 1970 it was decided that in Israel religion and nationality are one and the same (that is why we are not listed in the Population Registry as Israelis, but as Jews). In 1992 it was determined in the Basic Law on Human Dignity and Liberty that Israel is a "Jewish state." There is no mention in this law of the promise that appears in the state's formative document, the Declaration of Independence, to the effect that "The State of Israel will ensure complete equality of social and political rights to all its inhabitants, irrespective of religion, race or sex." The Knesset ratified the law nonetheless.

And so there is a "Jewish state" and no "equality of rights." Therefore some observers emphasize that the Jewish state is not "a state of all its citizens." Is there really a democracy that is not a state of all its citizens? After all, Jews living today in democratic countries enjoy the full rights of citizenship.

Democracy exists in the State of Israel today only in the formal sense: There are parties and elections and a good judicial system. But there is also an omnipotent army that ignores legal decisions that restrict the theft of land owned and held by people who have been living under occupation for the past 42 years. And since 1992, as we mentioned, we also have the definition "Jewish state," which means an ethnocracy - the rule of an ethnic religious community that strictly determines the ethnic origin of its citizens according to maternal lineage. And as far as other religions are concerned, disrespect for them is already a tradition, since we have learned: "Only you are considered human beings, whereas the gentiles are like donkeys."

From here it is clear that we and our moral army are exempt from concerns for the Palestinians living in Israel, and this is even more true of those living under occupation. On the other hand, it is perfectly all right to steal their land because these are "state lands" that belong to the State of Israel and its Jews.

That is the case even though we have not annexed the West Bank and have not granted citizenship to its inhabitants, who under Jordanian rule were Jordanian citizens. The State of Israel has penned them in, which makes it easy to confiscate their land for the benefit of its settlers.

And important and respected rabbis, who are educating an entire generation, have ruled that the whole country is ours and the Palestinians should share the fate of Amalek, the ancient tribe the Israelites were commanded to eradicate. At a time when a "just war" is taking place, racism is rife and robbery is called "return of property."

We are currently celebrating the 61st anniversary of the State of Israel. We fought in the War of Independence out of a great hope that we would build a "model society" here, that we would make peace with our neighbors, work the land and develop the Jewish genius for the benefit of science, culture and the value of man - every man. But when a major general and a philosopher justify - out of a sense of moral superiority - our acts of injustice toward the other in such a way, they cast a very heavy shadow on all those hopes.

http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/1082174.html

Balas contra piedras...

Find more videos like this on mepeace.org

Tair y Tâher - Darío Teitelbaum

El espejo es muchas veces, casi siempre, puesto de lado por los pueblos. El discurso propagandístico, las historias oficiales tintadas de rosa, el chauvinismo nacionalista, entre otras tantas causas, censuran (supongo que por la vergüenza) la capacidad de análisis y autocrítica. Nosotros somos los buenos y los otros son los malos. Así de simplón. La guerra es el contexto donde la podredumbre más oscura sale a flote y que se evita, insisto, las más de las veces, ver. Mucho menos aceptar. Tal es el caso de crímenes de guerra cometidos por efectivos israelíes contra civiles palestinos. Tal es el caso de los crímenes de guerra cometidos por militantes de Hamás contra civiles israelíes. La Guerra de Gaza, su antes y su después, nos ofrece cantidad de casos en este sentido.

A pesar de lo anterior, en los pueblos, existen quienes rompen con esta regla y se atreven a verse en el espejo. Frente al Espejo se ha dedicado a ofrecer esos reflejos de valor en el conflicto palestino israelí. Reflejos que también se dieron durante la Guerra en Gaza, su antes y su después. Uno de ellos fue el del médico palestino Ezzeldeen Abu al-Aish, quien perdió a 3 de sus hijas en la guerra. Abu al-Aish está nominado al Premio Nobel de la Paz (para antecedentes, ver entradas del 21 de enero y 4 de febrero).

Otro caso es el de Darío Teitelbaum, quien vive en un kibutz, a tan sólo siete kilómetros de la franja de Gaza, a tiro de piedra de los misiles Qassam. Con su autorización, reproduzco aquí su texto Tair y Tâher, publicado en los días de la guerra en El Clarín argentino y el O Globo brasileño.

Tair y Tâher / Darío Teitelbaum

Tair es mi hija, y es tan real como sus respiraciones que escucho llegar de la habitación contigua donde duerme. Tair tiene cuatro años y nueve meses (a pesar de que ella sostiene tener cuatro y medio) y vive con su mama Ana y conmigo en el Kibutz Gvulot (1).

Tâher es tan real como mi hija Tair. No estoy seguro si se llama Tâher, si tiene cuatro o cinco años. No sé si vive en Rafah, en Nuseirat o Shaty. Con seguridad hay una, diez o cien Tâher en la Franja de Gaza.

Tair significa "iluminará”, neologismo hebreo.

Tâher significa "puro, limpio", en árabe literario.

Al parecer las raíces etimológicas de ambos nombres desprenden de una fuente en común. Fuente seca en estos días.

Tair se fue a dormir, luego de cenar. Cena habitual de Sábado, cena que Ana y Yo logramos proveerle día a día (así como los desayunos, almuerzos, meriendas y demás antojos infantiles) gracias a nuestro trabajo. Ya que estamos en invierno (no muy riguroso por cierto) su habitación esta agradablemente calefaccionada. Ana le leyó un cuento.

No sé dónde Tâher duerme esta noche. Quizás en su propia casa, quizás en la de su tío en un barrio más seguro, lejos de zonas de lanzamiento de misiles Qassam y de represalias israelíes. No sé que comió Tâher, si fue comida caliente, o tan solo una ración repartida por las organizaciones humanitarias. Ni sé si Tâher sufre frío o soledad.

Por cierto Tair se quedó en casa con nosotros, no así muchas "Tair" de su edad, habitantes de la región del Neguev, que optaron – sus padres optaron – por salir de la zona ante la inminente amenaza de caída de misiles tipo Qassam y Katiusha, la constante tensión de vivir bajo interminables alarmas y de compartir un jardín de infantes improvisado en un refugio subterráneo.

Tair y Tâher viven en estos días una vida que ellas no eligieron, sino que nosotros como progenitores les asignamos, y quizás (ojalá no) a la cual las condenamos.

Sus vidas no son simétricas, ni tampoco lo es el mundo que les construimos. Tampoco lo es la ceguera terrorista de aquellos que no reconocen el derecho de Tair de vivir sin amenazas de muerte, o la impotencia nuestra de no llegar a un acuerdo que permita a Tâher lo mismo que está permitido a mi Tair.

No obstante las asimetrías, ambas están potencialmente bajo un extremo riesgo existencial: ser las víctimas de un conflicto que no tiene lugar sobre la faz del planeta.

Un conflicto que amenaza al carácter humano de todos y cada uno de nosotros, sea en las calles afligidas de Sderot, en los senderos tortuosos de Beit Hanun, en los campos de Jolit y en las playas de Dir el Balah.

Un conflicto que pone en evidencia el oscurantismo de los fundamentalismos y lo nocivo de los nacionalismos exacerbados, y esto más allá del derecho natural de los pueblos a la autodeterminación.

Conflicto en el cual todo humanista, antes de tomar partido impulsivo debe acudir a la empatía y a la capacidad de entender la situación de riesgo latente y peligro inminente. La reacción natural de cada padre de defender a su niña. A su Tair o a su Tâher.

Y al comprender esto, su obligación moral (y no solo política) de actuar en favor de disminuir ese riesgo, esa amenaza y ese temor.

Es su misión hacer que las Tair y las Tâher puedan gozar de una niñez feliz, una adolescencia plena y una perspectiva de vida digna.

Eso no se logrará con un Qassam o un hombre-bomba, ni con un tanque o un avión, ni con negaciones ni abnegaciones.

A eso no se llegará si cada año se suman a la lista de muertos, heridos, damnificados y afectados, y así se refuerzan los círculos viciosos de la violencia.

Sino al entender el riesgo y peligro y potencialidad de una tragedia más profunda aún, ejercer la defensa y autodefensa por medio del diálogo, del respeto a la vida y de la voluntad humana de auto superación.

Mi Tair y Tâher podrían cumplir con la aspiración que sus nombres encierran: iluminar y purificar…Amén, así sea…

O mejor dicho…hagámoslo así.

Darío, Papá de Tair.

(1) Kibutz Gvulot, granja comunitaria situada a 7 Km. de la franja de Gaza

Freedom Theater: una alternativa de resistencia

Una adaptación de Animal Farm (Rebelión en la Granja) de George Orwell fue presentada recientemente en el campo de refugiados de Jenin. Los actores, jóvenes palestinos que participan en el Freedom Theater (Teatro de la Libertad), una iniciativa que data de la primera intifada. Su objetivo es usar las artes y la creatividad como plataforma para el cambio social, como una oportunidad para transformar la realidad del conflicto y tratar los traumas que genera la violencia en jóvenes y niños.

El proyecto de Freedom Theater es una iniciativa social que brinda una alternativa de resistencia contra la ocupación israelí en los territorios palestinos. Ofrece una visión fresca de la humanidad de estos jóvenes palestinos que en otras condiciones serían etiquetados como “terroristas”. Sin duda, otra forma de entender, y atender, la realidad.

Peace it Together

Vancouver, Canadá, tierra neutral. Neutral y suficientemente lejana de retenes, misiles, muros y miedos que caracterizan su vida cotidiana. Se trata de jóvenes palestinos e israelíes que participan en el programa Peace it Together (“Paz juntos” o, siguiendo el juego de palabras “Junta las Piezas”).

Un proyecto que busca romper con los estereotipos que se reafirman cada día en la realidad del conflicto y la guerra. Jóvenes que lejos de esa tierra, en la que crecen bajo la creencia de que no se puede compartir, se confrontan, escuchan, conocen y aprenden del otro, de su historia. Enemigos jurados que terminan experimentando el sentido de amistad. Al menos saben que la realidad, su realidad, puede ser diferente. Conviven en situaciones que en Israel y Palestina quizá nunca sucedan.

Peace it Together es un programa que busca cambiar esa realidad a través de la realización de videos, situación que los obliga a conocerse, compartir ideas y trabajar en equipo para lograr un proyecto en común. A través de un proceso creativo, israelíes y palestinos logran el reconocimiento y legitimación del otro como un ser humano con miedos y aspiraciones.

Hasta el momento se han realizado tres campamentos. Los últimos dos dedicados precisamente a la realización de videos, como este, Retén de Humanidad, del verano de 2008:

Checkpoint of Humanity from Peace it Together on Vimeo.

Jóvenes que en Vancouver aprenden de la posibilidad de coexistir con el objeto de llevarse esa experiencia de vuelta y compartirla en sus comunidades. Compartirla en esa tierra todavía inhóspita para vivir en Libertad:

Freedom from Peace it Together on Vimeo.

El objetivo es cambiar el paradigma de que en Israel/Palestina el futuro les depara el encuentro más probable en un retén militar. Dios no lo quiera…

Heaven Forbid from Peace it Together on Vimeo.

Al tiempo… Si es que aún queda algo de tiempo para conocer al "enemigo"…

My Enemy from Peace it Together on Vimeo.

Más información y videos de Peace it Together en http://creativepeacenetwork.ca/.